Council of Carthage
A council of North African bishops in 418 that condemned the teaching of Pelagius on original sin and grace. Pope Zosimus endorsed the condemnation the same year.
History
Causes
Carthage was the seat of the African church, and its bishops met there in council almost every year. Several of those meetings matter to later theology. The councils of Hippo (393) and Carthage (397) drew up a list of canonical books that includes Tobit, Judith and two books of Maccabees, later carried into the African code as canon 24. But when theologians say “the Council of Carthage” without a date, they usually mean the council of 1 May 418, which settled the West’s verdict on Pelagianism.
The dispute started in Rome. Pelagius, a lay monk from Britain who taught there from about 400, urged Christians to take moral effort seriously: God commands nothing impossible, so a person can obey. After the sack of Rome in 410 he and his follower Caelestius moved to North Africa. A Carthaginian synod in 411 refused Caelestius ordination when he would not retract six theses, among them the claim that Adam’s sin harmed Adam alone and that newborn infants are in the state Adam was in before the fall (Catholic Encyclopedia, “Pelagius and Pelagianism”, secondary).
Pelagius went east. In December 415 a synod of fourteen bishops at Diospolis (Lydda) acquitted him after he disowned the propositions laid against him. Augustine read the minutes and argued that the acquittal rested on evasions (On the Proceedings of Pelagius, 417). In 416 the Africans answered with two councils, 67 bishops at Carthage and 59 at Milevis, and sent both rulings to Pope Innocent I. Innocent agreed in January 417 and excluded Pelagius and Caelestius from communion until they recanted. Augustine told his congregation that the case was closed: causa finita est (Sermon 131, September 417; no reliable online text confirmed).
It was not closed. Innocent died in March 417, and his successor Zosimus received a confession of faith from Caelestius and a letter from Pelagius, found both acceptable, and rebuked the Africans for haste. The African bishops protested that Innocent’s sentence should stand. By March 418 Zosimus was saying he had not given a final ruling.
Proceedings
About two hundred bishops met in the Basilica of Faustus at Carthage on 1 May 418, under Aurelius of Carthage. The day before, Emperor Honorius had already ordered Pelagians out of the cities of Italy, a move the Africans had lobbied for. The council’s eight canons (nine in some manuscripts) survive as canons 109 to 116 of the Code of Canons of the African Church, the collection adopted at Carthage in 419. Each is a short anathema against a Pelagian thesis, set out under “Key ideas” below.
Aftermath
Zosimus gave way. His circular letter, the Epistola tractoria (418), condemned Pelagius and Caelestius and required bishops to sign; only fragments survive. Eighteen Italian bishops refused and were deposed, the best known being Julian of Eclanum, who spent the rest of his life writing against Augustine. Augustine wrote On the Grace of Christ, and on Original Sin (418) to explain the verdict to Pelagius’s supporters in Palestine.
The East followed in part. The Council of Ephesus (431), called over Nestorius, also condemned Caelestius and those who shared his views, and that gave the African decision an ecumenical echo. The quarrel moved on to the “semi-Pelagian” question of whether the first step toward faith is human or divine, which the Second Council of Orange (529) answered on Augustine’s side, though more moderately than Augustine. The Council of Trent (1546) restated the Carthaginian position that infants are baptized “for the remission of sins” (Session V, canon 4).
Key ideas and contributors
Death comes from sin. Canon 1 anathematizes anyone who says Adam was created mortal and would have died whether he sinned or not. Death is a penalty, not part of human nature as God made it (Romans 5:12). Augustine read the Latin of that verse, in quo omnes peccaverunt, as “in whom all sinned,” which made all humanity share in Adam’s act. Modern translations read “because all sinned,” and the difference matters to the later debate.
Infants carry original sin. Canon 2 condemns anyone who denies that newborns should be baptized, or who says they are baptized “for the remission of sins” in name only, inheriting nothing from Adam. Infant baptism was already the church’s practice, and the Africans used it as evidence: if infants are baptized for forgiveness, they must have something to be forgiven (John 3:5). See Infant Baptism.
No middle place. A clause found in some manuscripts adds that there is no “intermediate or other happy dwelling place” for children who die unbaptized. The Vatican’s International Theological Commission treats the clause as part of the council’s teaching (The Hope of Salvation for Infants Who Die Without Being Baptised, 2007). The 1910 Catholic Encyclopedia held that its authenticity “cannot be reasonably doubted” (“Limbo”, secondary).
Grace does more than forgive. Canons 3 to 5 deal with grace itself. Grace does not only pardon past sins but helps a person stop sinning. It is not merely knowledge of what to do but the love and strength to do it. And it is necessary, not just a help that makes obedience easier: without it no one can do good (John 15:5). These canons are the council’s answer to Pelagius’s claim that grace is the gift of free will and of the law, given at creation. Augustine had argued the point at length in On Nature and Grace (415).
Even saints sin. Canons 6 to 8 condemn the idea that a Christian can live without sin. When the apostle says “If we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves” (1 John 1:8), he speaks truly and not out of modesty. When the saints pray “forgive us our debts” (Matthew 6:12), they pray for themselves, not only for others.
The main contributors were Augustine, whose writings supplied the theology; Aurelius of Carthage, who organized the African episcopate; and the African bishops’ persistence in pressing Rome and the imperial court. On the other side stood Pelagius, Caelestius, and later Julian of Eclanum.
Key controversies
Did the council get Pelagius right? Pelagius’s own surviving works, such as his Letter to Demetrias (413), read more like demanding moral exhortation than a system. Some modern historians argue that “Pelagianism” was largely built from Caelestius’s sharper theses and Augustine’s polemic. B. R. Rees, Pelagius: A Reluctant Heretic (Boydell, 1988; review listing), and Ali Bonner, The Myth of Pelagianism (Oxford, 2018; summary (secondary)), both press this case. Defenders of the council answer that the theses it condemned were really taught, whoever taught them, and that Pelagius’s disowning of them at Diospolis was tactical.
Rome’s authority. The council is cited on both sides of the Papal Primacy debate. Catholic writers point to the Africans sending their rulings to Innocent for confirmation and to Augustine’s “the case is closed” once Rome had answered; the later slogan “Rome has spoken, the case is closed” is a paraphrase, not Augustine’s words. Others point out that the Africans resisted Zosimus when he reopened the case, met again without waiting for him, and secured an imperial edict, which looks less like submission to papal judgment than like an episcopal council holding Rome to its own earlier decision. The 419 council’s refusal to accept appeals from African clergy to Rome, in the Apiarius affair, is read the same way.
Original guilt and the East. The council made Augustine’s doctrine of inherited sin the Western norm. Eastern Orthodox theology accepts that humanity inherits death and corruption from Adam, but generally rejects the claim that infants inherit Adam’s guilt. Orthodox writers often trace the difference to Augustine’s reading of Romans 5:12. The council is honored in the East through its place in the canonical tradition, but its canons on infants are read differently.
The fate of unbaptized infants. The “no middle place” clause, read with Augustine’s view that such infants suffer the mildest punishment, set the problem medieval theology answered with limbo. The 2007 Vatican document concluded that there are serious grounds to hope such infants are saved, which critics in both directions saw as either a welcome softening or a departure from Carthage.
How much grace? The council said grace is necessary for every good act. It did not say whether grace is irresistible, or whether God’s choice of the saved depends on foreseen faith. Those questions returned in the semi-Pelagian dispute, in the Reformation (both Martin Luther and John Calvin cited the anti-Pelagian Augustine against late medieval theology), and in the Calvinism versus Arminianism quarrel at the Synod of Dort. Each side claims to stand with Carthage against Pelagius.
What remains unresolved
Nearly every Christian tradition accepts Carthage’s core claim that no one can do good without God’s grace, which is why “Pelagian” is still an insult in every camp. The council left open how grace and human will cooperate, what exactly infants inherit from Adam, and what happens to those who die unbaptized. Those gaps are where the later fights happened.
Further reading
- The Code of Canons of the African Church (419), canons 109–116 (the canons of 418)
- Augustine, On Nature and Grace (415) and On the Grace of Christ, and on Original Sin (418)
- Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (1967; rev. 2000), the chapters on Pelagius
- B. R. Rees, Pelagius: A Reluctant Heretic (1988)
- International Theological Commission, The Hope of Salvation for Infants Who Die Without Being Baptised (2007)